The Image Of Asylum Seekers Social Work Essay

The Image Of Asylum Seekers Social Work Essay Unaccompanied asylum seeking children (UASC) are amongst the discriminated and oppressed social groups in the UK .They are vulnerable but this is not always well matched with their access to services (Kohli and Mitchell, 2007) and they are just children in need (Howarth 2001).This essay shall explore some aspects of discrimination that affect them, the legislative and policy context in which discrimination is located and how organised systems in policy and law attempt to address this reality. Reference shall be made to direct experiences from unaccompanied asylum seeking children and also link their experiences to those of the broader asylum seekers category in order to establish the prospects of equality in the context of social services support. One of the core elements in the effective support of vulnerable people is to treat every person /child/adult as an individual. In this case, each child has their own narrative which must be looked at holistically in order to create necessary support structures which would trigger the necessary welfare provisions for the individual to be safeguarded and supported through their crisis. Hynes (2011) argues that asylum seekers are far removed from the perception of being ordinary people. Instead, they continue to experience extraordinary circumstances in the UK, with the common experience of being socially excluded and with little opportunity for these experiences to be understood (Hynes 2011:p.42). Kohli (2007) reiterates that in guidance for working with this vulnerable group, the dominant theme must be one of seeing them as children in need first and as asylum claimants later. UASCs extraordinary experiences cut across all facets of life, across time, across continents, access to services, through detention, lack of adequate supportive information, language barriers, tough procedures and negative social labels. The term unaccompanied asylum-seeking children is used to describe individuals who arrive in the UK under the age of 18, without a parent or other adult relative or guardian who is prepared to take responsibility for them, and who make an application for asylum in their own right (United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR,1994) Home Office (2012) figures issued show that In 2011, 6% (1,277) of main applicants were UASC. Almost a third (30%) of UASC applications were made by male nationals of Afghanistan; and overall 82% (1,049) of applications were from male applicants. UASC annual applications continue to fall and fell by 26% between 2010 (1,717 applications) and 2011. This decreasing trend has been influenced by falling applications from nationals of Afghanistan. There are direct drivers of the migration of unaccompanied minors like war and civil unrest, rape and torture which rise beyond the economic argument that is often painted by the media. Where UK born children are treated and understood as innocent, UASC are defined by their immigration status and suspicion (Kvittingen, 2012, Sales, 2007). Its extremely difficult for UASC to navigate through the system of immigration to welfare. In the same environment there are two forces at work, social work practice versus political and economic environment. The initial hurdle is the immigration process which is restrictive and controlling. An example would be that of the age assessment process. Cemlyn Briskman (2003) argue that there are limited resources for social work teams which inevitably shrink the resources with which the social workers have at their disposal. The unfair outcome includes high % of age disputes that often exclude UASC from the welfare provision under the Children Act 1989, Section 20 for looked after children. From such processes, difference in treatment emerges and discrimination and oppression are experienced. Discrimination and oppression Thompson (2012) characterises discrimination as a process where difference is identified and the difference becomes the basis of unfair treatment (Thompson 2012:7) Experiences resulting from such treatment locate the individual in a disadvantaged position. Thompson adds that this discrimination then becomes a source of oppression. The process of identifying some people as different and when they receive inhuman or degrading treatment is that key moment which social work practice must stand and challenge (Thompson 2012). Discrimination is therefore understood in its sociological, political and psychological contexts (Thompson 2012) by centrally considering inherent power dynamics between the vulnerable asylum seeking child and the service provider located at the centre of welfare distribution and care. From arrival, UASC must be understood as children in search of safety, as individuals with positive ambitions and as individuals in need of support (Kohli 2007). The social work intervention process has been implicated for being oppressive by Humphries (2004); Social work has been drawn into implementing racist policy initiatives whilst maintaining its unreflective, self deceiving anti-oppressive belief systems (p95) It is always important to realise that whilst there is great emphasis on good practice as anti-discriminatory practice, The relationship is a double edged one, consisting of elements of care and control. It is double edged in the sense that it can lead to either empowerment or potential oppression. The state through its machinery can control people to the extent that they become discriminated and oppressed. Social work interventions can help or hinder, empower or oppress (Thompson 2012:8). There are inherent power dynamics in operation, with the UASC occupying the weak needy position versus the state and its range of oppressive machinery. Moral obligations rather than differences must take precedence in the provision of services. There are numerous levels at which the difference of UASC are treated differently. Khohli (2007) argues that there have been numerous concerns raised regarding shortfalls in the areas of education, health provision and immigration practices and how social wo rk policies reinforce these disparities. There are socially constructed perceptions and structural determinants in the discrimination and oppression of UASC worth looking at .Thompsons model of understanding how inequalities and discrimination feature in peoples lives within their interactions by way of a PCS model (Thompson 2012) which emphasises on the Personal, Cultural and Structural determinants and levels at which discrimination operates. From the moment that the children arrive in UK they are bombarded with administrative processes that are complex, processes that include age assessment, and face a restrictive immigration system which stands as an enormous wall potentially blocking their access to welfare. Crawley (2007) argues that all these processes are more focussed on border control than on welfare provision. Part of the key procedure on entry for welfare provision is the age assessment, this is carried out by social workers and the determination on the assessment can determine the UASCs life. Age assessments are not always accurate and there are medical error margins of up to 5 years either side (Lenvenson Sharma 2004). Suspicion, doubt, lack of trust and general prejudice about asylum seekers is a reality that the media has successfully propelled. Thomas, (Guardian, 2012) British Red Cross head of external relations proved that the public perception of asylum seekers is primarily painted as scroungers. Professionals must support UASC without such prejudices and the social constructions which hinder the diversity agenda and structural tools which are designed to fail these children must be abandoned and these children must be seen as children first.Collett (2004) argues that social workers are increasingly drawn into the dirty work of social policy, where we reinforce the oppressions tha t we should be challenging (2004;88).Humphries (2004)adds that the role of social work has shifted towards control, restriction, surveillance and ultimately exclusion. There has been a gravitational shift of social workers into pseudo immigration officials. The cost of which has been the loss of the humanistic, companionship and welfare element which are core in cultural tolerance and diversity in social work practice. Besides the systems restrictive nature, the asylum process is stressful for children who have just escaped a traumatic past in the hope of finding help and support (Kohli, 2007). There is sufficient evidence examined regarding the ever shifting goal posts system for asylum seekers intended to squeeze them out and deter application influxes. An example is UASCs housing needs processing which reinforces the differences between UK born children where some UASC are being housed in hostels where there is evidence of low level support and detachment. UASC are often sacrificed through fast track housing provisions as demonstrated in Solihull where Wellman (2011) argues that teenage asylum seekers were to be treated less favourably than local children under plans by Solihull Council to fast-track them from foster care into supported housing. Watters (2008) examines the position of unaccompanied asylum seeking children in the UK tracing their experiences from ports of entry and highlights that safety and security are key aspirations for these children in an environment that is not hostile, a place to call home and enjoy life as a child. There is a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦pervasive culture of disbelief among immigration and welfare institutions in receiving countries (Watters 2008:71) of UASC. It is important to understand their pre-departure experiences. Against this background of aspirations reality is often different, the welcoming description at pre-departure often vanished as children faced a stark reality of having no food, no money and oftentimes unable to speak the language. More so, there is often lack of support during the early parts of the asylum screening interview, yet this later forms the basis of whether the application is successful or not (Watters 2008). Being a foreigner in the UK must be understood as a package that has a host of attachments to it, some often face multiple discriminations e.g. black asylum seeking children could lead to being racially maltreated in communities/context of where they are accommodated after care. This perpetuates the cycle of social exclusion and discrimination. Thompsons PCS model would here be referred to in the context of how communitys social construction and media perceive UASC and resultant repulsive treatment. According to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC 2012), UASC often find the situations exacerbating their social category of oppression and discrimination in that the conditions in immigration screening centres are not child-friendly. Oftentimes there is very little or no knowledge and a lack of understanding about the specific issues relating to child-specific forms of persecution because of the remoteness of where they are coming from. An Independent Guardian in this case would help in establishing support bases for the young people and to be a disclosure point. It is difficult for young people to share their innermost life story to strangers, communication depends highly on relationship and having this support relationship helps the young peoples presentation of their case (NSPCC). UASCs transition into adulthood has another host of challenges in which they need support to be ready enough for life on their own .The NSPCC argues that the National Asylum Support System (NASS) prevents vulnerable children from falling through the net (NSPCC). If there is lack of support, then the outcome can either be their disappearance or exploitation. This means that it is of paramount importance to extend the support so that the system cushions the young people rather than leaving them to fall into uncertainty where poverty, social exclusion, discrimination and oppression can take over. Any failing by the state through its range of support machinery for young people would perpetuate the cycle of poverty and the oppression of UASC. In cases where age assessment determines the UASC as over 18, this leads to detention where their treatment transforms to that of an adult and welfare support deficit is experienced. NSPCC has an example in the stories of two boys in contact with one Young Peoples Centres. The boys had their age disputed for more than a year. One of these boys was placed in National Asylum Support Service (NASS) accommodation. He was a vulnerable child, yet he was placed in unsupported accommodation with adults. Neither of the boys was able to receive support from the local authority and as such their safeguarding and emotional wellbeing needs were not met (NSPCC). Such an experience affects the child, and as this essay has argued, its because of structural reasons, tools and processes that not always accurately capture the reality of children and their lives, this affects service provision. Fast tracking this contested age category for housing can be counterproductive and oppressive as it fails to a ccount for the individual childs needs. The dispersal model applied in the UK for asylum seekers extends the idea of what Carter and El-Hassan (2003:10-11) term institutionalised seclusion. Hynes (2011) describes the dispersal situation as betwixt and between, in a country but outside mainstream society. The incremental exclusion of asylum seekers through this method has been patterned through the service allocation system saliently eroding the individual rights of asylum seekers who receive support as a homogenous group in chosen isolated locations.Overall, the system is a deterrent immigration strategy. Hynes (2011) adds that ,The exclusion of asylum seekers from ordinary living patterns through exclusionary practices and the inability to restore normal routines during the dispersal process meant that they occupied luminal spaces (p.178). The same can be applied to children who are allocated accommodation in areas where there are few or no support services for them. Dispersal without considering the welfare and interests of the child is administratively and structurally discriminatory; safeguarding the children should still remain a core element in the childs service provision considerations as part of aftercare support. Part of the systemic discrimination is a result of limited training for social workers which makes it appear as if UASC are difficult to reach, when in actual fact it is a group that is easy to ignore! At community level UASC are viewed with disgust, racist abuse and educational underperformance. At school, Rutter argues that central government needs to acknowledge school childrens under-achievement also has causes that lie outside the school (Rutter 2006:208) Legal Framework for UASC In order to protect the rights of the UASC and be professionally consistent, they must be treated as children first and foremost and the Childrens Act 1989 becomes relevant. Of importance from The Children Act 1989 are clauses stating that the welfare of children must be the paramount consideration when the courts are making decisions about them and local authorities are charged with duties to identify children in need and to safeguard and promote their welfare. Also importantly stated is the fact that delays in deciding questions concerning children are likely to prejudice their welfare. Local authority must provide welfare by seeing UASC as children first. This law provides a safety net for all children within the UK borders. The conflict emerges where Immigration law meets childrens rights legislation and a radical shift emerges emphasising more on controlling borders than welfare provision (Fell, Hayes, 2007). UASC must be assessed by the Framework for the assessment of children in need and their families and accommodated under Section 20 of the Children Act 1989 (NSPCC). As a result of lack of clarity on childrens available support, some children have been placed in bed and breakfast accommodation without support, mixing with adults whose criminal history is often not held. This exposes the vulnerable children to abuse and exploitation. Such a system again demonstrates how structural procedures discriminate and oppress UASC. The semi-independent living option is also not a better option for those just over 16. Their vulnerability levels are high and support is highly needed to safeguard them in their development and transition into adulthood. The Human Rights Act is a guiding legal framework applied in the UK and is core to how UASC in particular and refugees in general are supported. Asylum seekers are to be treated as individuals with rights namely the Right to life, Freedom from torture, Freedom from slavery, Right to a fair trial, Freedom of speech and Freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The Human Rights law is a universal safeguard and UASC can be protected from discrimination by its application. In a study carried out by the Independent Asylum Commission, Sir Waite said, The overuse of detention, the scale of destitution and the severity of removals are all areas which need attention before the system can be described as fit for purpose. The detention of asylum seekers is overused, oppressive and an unnecessary burden on the taxpayer, and the detention of children wholly unjustified. Dawar (2008) [The guardian] Its only by appealing to law that such progressive challenges can be made. The NSPCC (2012) campaigns and supports these children on the basis of equality arguing that the protection and welfare of asylum-seeking and refugee children is the same as that afforded to other children. The Childrens rights must be considered as core elements in the planning, assessment and service provision for this vulnerable group considering the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child particularly instruments for the right to maximum survival and development ,the right to identity ,the right to family unity and the right to participate .The right to protection from all forms of violence, injury, abuse, neglect or exploitation as well as the right to special assistance if the child is deprived of their family .The right to be protected from economic exploitation and the right to protection from violence, abuse, exploitation, trafficking is only realisable where the UASC are supported fully without falling through the safety net. Issues around the limitation of det ention as a measure of last resort are important in working with UASC. The duty of the government to take measures to ensure that child victims of armed conflict, torture, neglect or exploitation receive treatment for recovery and social integration is important as part of the therapeutic support necessary for their wellbeing. Policy and Practice guidances on working with UASC By use of legislation and practice guidances, UASC can be safeguarded and supported. Instead of describing them as UASCs these young people view themselves as (and rightly so) footballers doctors teachers president. They are ambitious and determined to live outside this discriminatory environment and label. Payne (2005) argues that, Some people dislike being called minority or oppressed groups, or being associated with any groups at all. Sometime because it might imply being seen as a victim of categorisation, which the person does not accept (2005:289). Conclusion Practical, political and procedural realities are scattered on the social workers professional pathway. Kohli (2007) rightly paints the complexity of being an UASC and being a social worker in the UK. The needs of vulnerable UASC remain a stark reality, leaves the social worker on the margins by either not being good enough or being too harsh (Kohli 2007). A young person from Glasgow said Home is home if it was better there I would have stayed. Understanding UASC past, building relationships with them in humane ways and safeguarding them by use of law can enhance anti-oppressive practice. This can be the basis for challenging discrimination of this vulnerable child group. Social workers cannot achieve this alone, voluntary sector agencies like the Refugee Council and NSPCC can work in partnership with the UKBA to set intervention strategies for this vulnerable group with the care and sensitivity due for any child in need in UK.

Latinos in America

What is an American? This is a difficult question to address, especially concerning Latinos who only speak English. Many Latinos in the United States, consider language a point of high controversy. Some consider speaking spanish an essential part of being Latino , while others consider it a barrier that will prevent the assimilation into the American culture. Tanya Barrientos, like many other Latinos, wrestled with this very issue her entire life. Growing up as a Latina came with many stereotypes, speaking Spanish being one of the most negative characteristics for Barrientos. As society changed its views and learned to accept this diversity in language, Barrientos learned to embrace her heritage. The true question lies within her reasoning for this change in her perception, but was it for the right reasons? What makes this country great is that you can be both: A Spanish speaking latino that is fully emerged in American society. Being American is not about the language you speak but about your ideals and how they fit in the American way of life. Many Americans don’t realize that the choice in language is not determined by the individual but lies in the choice parents or caregivers. This choice is one that will haunt individuals for the rest of their lives. In Barrientos’ case, her parents decided it would be best for her to only speak English. As Barrientos grew up, she embraced her parents choice, saw this as a positive trait, one that differentiated her from most Latinas. She enjoyed defying expectations. Since childhood, she felt that speaking Spanish translated to been poor, holding less desirable jobs and discrimination towards the Latino community. It is because of this that she enjoyed attending a public school that attracted few Latinos, she wanted to distance herself from the rest. In her opinion, not speaking Spanish gave her an edge over other Latinos and allowed her to successfully fit into the American Anglo society. In her own words, it made her feel superior and American. Society pushed her to want to stay away from her heritage and embrace the melting pot as a full fledge citizen. Prejudice or stereotypes should not affect the way you feel about your ulture or background. If society is going to view you in a negative way because the way you look or where you come from, they will do so regardless of what you do. This should make you embrace your heritage and take pride in what makes you unique. This is especially true when it pertains to language, which is something that cannot be perceive by looking at a person. In Barrientos’ case it did not make sense to refuse a language when society would already perceive t he stereotype due to ethnicity. In her situation, not speaking Spanish made her feel like as if society did not view her as a Latina, when clearly by the comments from school staff and most likely other untold accounts, it didn't make a difference. To others who did not know her, she was still a Latina, no different than the rest who were Spanish speaking. She had very little sympathy or affection for other latinos and held many negative views of her own culture. She tried to differentiate herself from the Latino community as much as possible, and succeeded. In a way she had become what she was avoiding, holding prejudice and acquired a feeling of superiority towards Spanish speaking Latinos. Barrientos was concerned about blending in with society, this meant being seen as â€Å"white†. In her mind white meant American, you could not be American if you spoke Spanish. As she puts it Spanish associated you with the radical thinking of Mexican-Americans or Afro-Americans. While emerging yourself in the society you live in is positive, refusing/denying your culture is not the best way to do it. She pushed her culture away because it did not have anything positive to give her, it would only bring her problems and misfortune. Barrientos did not care to even be considered Latina. That is what a selfish, insecure individual would do. It wasn't until society view about Latinos and Spanish changed, that she started relating her culture to something positive. Once the realization that being Latino and speaking Spanish was not a negative but a positive, she began to change. In her own words it was time to take pride, but as she puts it, it felt fake, because in a way it was. It wasn't until she had something to gain, that she wanted to fit in. It seems that is the overall theme of her life, always trying to fit in, but only when its most convenient for her. This attitude will never truly allow her to belong. Even after trying to learn Spanish, other Latinos notice that she was different. Her entire life she worked on putting up walls between her and the Latino community. She outcasted herself for so long and then found it very difficult to connect with her own community. I suspect it was not just the language but her attitude and demeanor as well. In a society as complex as the one in the United States, it is important to realize that you can never fit in with the entire population. If you try to conform to what others want, you lose a part of your individualism. It is also important that in the process of assimilating you do not end up alienating others in your same situation. At the end of the day, you can not change the preconceived notions that come with belonging to a specific ethnic group, but you can choose to embrace your culture and enjoy that part of your life while still emerging in the American way of life.

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Essay on Sigmund Freud The Father of Psychoanalysis

Sigmund Freud, also known as the father of psychoanalysis, was born May 6th of 1856 in Freiberg, Moravia. A few years later he moved to Vienna, Austria and years after to England. Sigmund Freud was known for connecting psychological issues with sexual issues. Freud demonstrated a broad perspective on things involving dreams, religion, and cultural artifacts. He focused on different states of the mind, such as unconsciousness. Freud relied on a local sexual repression issue to create theories about human behavior all together. Although many people would agree that Sigmund Freud’s theories are controversial, he is said to be one of the most influential scientists with great work concerning psychology. His theories and ideas of†¦show more content†¦Sigmund Freud supposed that the personality was composed of three sections called the id, ego and superego. The id is the aspect of the mind that involves sexual drive and satisfaction in general. He proposed that the id compo nent was present since birth. The id has two components to it called eros and thanatos. The eros is considered the life instinct while the thanatos was the death instinct connected with aggression. The id is a major factor in the early life of a person because it has to deal with making sure a child’s needs are met. The id is often paired together with the unconscious mind. Many people would assent that the id is our way of relating to the world and having our need be fulfilled. Ego is the next aspect of the mind and deals with reality. Ego is connected with â€Å"the reality principle,† as Freud would call it. Ego and id go hand in hand within this theory of personality beginning at infancy. Ego attempts to satisfy the id’s needs in an appropriate manner. The last aspect of the theory of personality is super-ego. Our super-ego in a nutshell is our morals, knowing right from wrong; correct judgment. 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